The relationship between drug use and crime: a puzzle inside an enigma
Introduction
As the title of the paper suggests, the relationship between drug use and crime is complex, despite the dominance of the drugs leads to crime hypothesis. Hough (1996, p. 11) in his review of the literature argues that the precise nature of the causal process can take several shapes and provides the following example:
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Dependent drug misuse can predate other forms of crime, and precipitate these.
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Involvement in property crime can also predate drug misuse, facilitating experimental or casual misuse and then dependence.
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Dependent drug misuse may often amplify property offending.
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Drug use and property crime may both increase in an upward spiral.
In other words, the debates surround whether involvement in crime may cause drug use, or illicit drug use may cause crime or finally whether they are intertwined in a more complex manner. Previous research has tended to focus upon dependent drug users and in particular dependent heroin users to examine this relationship (Baker, Dorn, & Seddon, 1994; Bennett & Write, 1986; Chaiken & Chaiken, 1989, Chaiken & Chaiken, 1990, Covington, 1988, Faupel, 1988, Fazey, 1987, Fazey, 1992, Mott, 1986; Parker, Newcombe, & Bakx, 1986). The aim of this paper is to move away from this reliance upon dependent heroin users to explore the drugs–crime relationship.
Initially, the methodological approach adopted for this research will be discussed before moving on to an exploration of drug using careers where it will be argued that the recreational-dependent dichotomy that has become axiomatic in drug literature is problematic. I will suggest that classification of drugs may be products of local social environments and that drug careers in Deighton contained three categories or episodes: dependent use, persistent use and finally recreational use. The second part of this paper will then explore the relationship between each of these episodes and other criminal activity. It will be argued that when young people make transitions through different forms of drug using behaviour their involvement in drug-related crime changes. Thus, it is argued that a simple unilateral model of causation is overly simplistic as it fails to account for the complexities of drug using careers.
Section snippets
Methodology
The research presented here is based upon ethnographic interviews with 88 young people and two separate sessions of participant observation both lasting 6 months. All of the research took place in a town in the Northeast of England, known here as Deighton. Deighton, like many other towns in the Northeast, has high levels of deprivation and connected social problems. The site was selected for the pragmatic reasons of funding and distance to travel, but it also gives us an insight into the sort
Drug careers
The notion of using the concept of ‘career’ to study deviant behaviour stems from Becker (1963). He attempted to analyse several diverse groups deemed to be marginal to American society. He noted that ‘a useful conception in developing sequential models of various kinds of deviant behaviour is that of career’ (1963, p. 24). Many recent commentaries in the UK on illegal substance use have focused upon the dual dimensional manner in which people consume drugs. On the one hand, there are said to
The relationships between drug use and crime
The aim of this section is to attempt to disentangle the complex dynamics of the relationships between drug careers and criminal careers. The sample of young people used within this study cannot be viewed as representative of young people as a whole, as most of the sample where from what can be described as socially excluded parts of Deighton (itself a relatively disadvantaged town). This clearly has implications when discussing the relationship between drug use and crime, particularly the
Persistent drug use and crime
According to Hough (1996, p. 11) “persistent use of drugs other than heroin and cocaine seem unrelated in the USA to persistent predatory offending”. My research here, however, argues that a strong relationship between persistent use of drugs (beyond heroin and cocaine) and revenue-raising crime does exist. Persistent use of drugs often occurred amongst young people who had little structured time within their lives (e.g. in the forms of school or employment). Due to a lack of structured time
Dependent drug use and crime
The third relationship to examine is that of dependent drug use and crime. Within this section the notion of career will continue to be used and it will be suggested that as with the other forms of drug use discussed, the relationship between dependent use and crime cannot be discussed in terms of a constant or singular, causal relationship. As noted by Faupel and Klockers (1987), “the relationship between heroin and crime is not consistent throughout the career of the addict”. Furthermore,
Conclusion
Results from this study illustrate that drug using patterns are products of local social environments. In the case of Deighton, three categories or episodes in drug using careers were identified; namely, recreational, persistent and dependent use. In light of this, it is important that academics, drugs workers and those involved in social policy appreciate that drug using patterns are affected by local social environments and move away from complete reliance upon the dichotomous model of
Acknowledgements
I would like to thank the young people who gave up their time to take part in this study. I am indebted to Professor Robert MacDonald for his support throughout this study and for looking through drafts of this article. I would like to thank my colleagues, in particular Louise Ridley, Les Johnston, Bob Coles and Tracy Shildrick and my family for all their support. Finally I would like to thank the editor Tim Rhodes and the anonymous referees for their useful comments on an earlier draft of this
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