Research paperProducing alcohol and other drugs as a policy ‘problem’: A critical analysis of South Africa's ‘National Drug Master Plan’ (2013–2017)
Introduction
Given the controversy surrounding illicit drug use, the formulation of effective, credible policies governing such use must navigate complex political terrain. Policies are seen as needing to address public concern about illicit drug use as well as demonstrating a capacity to remedy the problems presumed to follow from drug use (Fraser & Moore, 2011). At the same time, the strong symbolic value of illicit drug use means it draws mixed opinion (Ritter, 2011) and policies can sometimes attract criticism for their tendency to pathologise people who use drugs, and stigmatise already marginalised communities (Buchanan & Young, 2000). In a country like South Africa with its unique history of social exclusion and political disenfranchisement of the black majority, the issues confronting policymakers are especially challenging and the need for carefully formulated policy responses are particularly pressing. In an effort to explore the complexities of policymaking in the South African context, we draw on feminist scholar Carol Bacchi's poststructuralist approach to policy analysis, which offers tools for analysing the ways in which ‘problems’ are constituted within policies. Rather than accepting policy definitions of social problems, Bacchi's ‘What's the Problem Represented to be?’ (WPR) approach invites consideration of how particular issues are represented as ‘problems’ in policy. Doing so requires scrutiny of what counts as a ‘problem’ and the implications of particular problematisations for how governing takes place. This approach has been productively used to examine a variety of alcohol and other drug (AOD) policy issues (see e.g. Fraser and Moore, 2011, Lancaster and Ritter, 2014), and laws in the Australian context (Lancaster et al., 2015b, Seear and Fraser, 2014). It has also been applied in a cross-national comparison of recovery discourse in two Australian and British AOD policy reports (Lancaster, Duke & Ritter, 2015). Despite these important scholarly contributions to understanding the complexities of AOD policymaking in Western policy contexts, a critical analysis of AOD policy development in the South African context has yet to be undertaken. Alongside Bacchi's WPR approach, we draw on an analysis of rhetoric and an assessment of the objectives of South Africa's current AOD policy.
Drug policy in South Africa has historically been dominated by prohibitionist and supply reduction approaches aimed at achieving a drug free society (Otu, 2011, Parry and Myers, 2011). However, in the lead-up to the development of the third National Drug Master Plan 2013–2017 (NDMP) – South Africa's key national policy document – commentators called for a more nuanced harm reduction approach (Parry and Myers, 2011, Van Niekerk, 2011). Given these two different visions for AOD policy and the fairly recent adoption of the current NDMP, a critical analysis of South Africa's AOD policy is both timely and important. Following Bacchi's observation that policies are active in producing the problems they claim to address, we explore how the ‘problem of AODs’ has been articulated in South Africa's third NDMP, and with what potential effects for those governed by it. In doing so, we identify the discursive strategies used to render AODs (especially illicit drugs) a particular kind of ‘problem’, and clarify how this problematisation authorises certain measures as legitimate. As we do not have access to empirical data on the implementation of the NDMP, we do not seek to evaluate how the policy is being applied in practice, nor whether it is an effective means of governance. And while we make some tentative observations on the implications of this policy for those it targets, a thoroughgoing assessment of how specific policy practices affect the individuals and communities concerned requires further research. Nonetheless the arguments we develop are likely to be of interest both within and beyond the South African policy context in that they raise questions about the potential of policy to undermine the interests of those it seeks to aid – in this case people who use AODs – by reinforcing stigma and marginalisation.
Section snippets
Background
Historically, drug policy in South Africa has been characterised by a prohibitionist and punitive stance, which has been institutionalised via South Africa's international agreements and domestic laws and policies (Myers et al., 2008, Otu, 2011, Padayachee, 2001, Parry and Myers, 2011, Van Niekerk, 2011). South Africa is a signatory to the United Nations (UN) Single Convention on Narcotic Drugs, 1961 (Van Niekerk, 2011) and the UN Convention against Illicit Traffic in Narcotic Drugs and
Method: a poststructuralist approach to policy analysis
To track the processes by which South Africa's AOD policy produces the ‘problem of AODs’, we draw on Australian feminist scholar Carol Bacchi's poststructuralist approach to policy analysis, alongside a study of rhetoric and an assessment of intentions. Bacchi's approach, called ‘What's the Problem Represented to be?’ (WPR), examines meaning-making in policy design and identifies the taken-for-granted assumptions at work in policy. Central to the WPR method is the concept of ‘problematisation’,
The NDMP and the ‘world drug problem’
We begin by addressing an issue that aligns with the first question of the WPR approach: ‘How are AODs constituted as a policy ‘problem’ in the NDMP?’ The introduction to the policy opens with the following statement, which serves to delineate the ‘problem’ warranting a policy response:
As part of the global community, South Africa is entangled in the world drug problem. The term ‘world drug problem’ or ‘drug problem’ relates primarily to the global demand for illicit drugs. However, in South
Appeals to evidence and the pursuit of evidence-based policy proposals
In the foreword to the NDMP, the Minister of Social Development stresses: ‘The impact of alcohol and substance abuse continues to ravage families, communities and society […] The emotional and psychological impacts on families and the high levels of crime and other social ills have left many communities under siege by the scale of alcohol and drug abuse’ (DSD, 2013, p. 2). She continues by proposing the delivery of ‘evidence-based strategies’: ‘the revised plan focuses more on the delivery of
The conflation of AOD ‘use’ and ‘abuse’
Consistent with the tendency observed above to slip indiscriminately between AOD ‘use’ and ‘abuse’, the NDMP proposes treating the terms ‘drug’, ‘substance (of abuse)’ and ‘dependence-forming substance’ as interchangeable terms: ‘For convenience the terms ‘drug’, ‘substance’ (of abuse), ‘dependence-forming substance’ and ‘alcohol and other drugs’ (AOD) are considered interchangeable in the NDMP’ (DSD, 2013, p. 28). This policy proposal constructs drugs as inherently harmful, which problematises
Conclusion
In this article, we have conducted a critical, poststructuralist analysis of South Africa's current AOD policy, identifying the ways in which it constitutes the ‘problem of AODs’. While on the surface the NMDP contains elements that appear to be aligned with a more nuanced harm reduction approach to AOD policy in South Africa, a closer inspection reveals a continuation of previous punitive approaches, which we argue could serve to further marginalise and stigmatise those intended to benefit
Conflict of interest statement
The authors declare no conflict of interest.
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